In the face of that blunt onslaught, civil society figures have called on the EU to adapt its own communication style. 

In Georgia, for example, the ruling party has been “camouflaging itself as a pro-democracy, pro-EU force,” said Buziashvili. The party’s campaign banners feature the European flag and its politicians claim they are preparing Georgia for EU membership in the style of that of Viktor Orban’s Hungary. 

She added that such a “deception campaign” calls for clear language and tangible measures like sanctions from Brussels. 

“Protesters tell me: We know that we should do our homework in terms of protesting and defending democracy,” said Buziashvili. “But we also want to see that Western countries are serious about who they cooperate with and call things by their names.” 

With real membership of the bloc still years away (at best), the EU will need to do a better job at specifying what both its sticks and its carrots entail. 

The possibility of Russian violence is direct and real. | Alexander Nemenov/Getty Images

Artur Gurău, a 38-year-old Moldovan volunteer who helped campaign for the EU camp, said vote-buying schemes were successful because Russia’s proxies knew to target vulnerable swathes of the population.

For some of those living in a country listed among the poorest in Europe, even a one-time payment of several dozen euros could mean the immediate difference between a cold or warm home, as opposed to the uncertain deliverables of the castle in the sky promise of one day joining the EU.

“People don’t believe anymore in promises; they don’t want a future in five or seven years,” Gurău said. “They want it now.”

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