The constitutional court is a prime example of how Orbán can make life difficult for Magyar, as Fidesz has appointed all of its 15 justices, including a former Fidesz defense minister. The Curia, Hungary’s supreme court, is headed by András Varga, who was appointed by the Fidesz-controlled parliament.
Any laws a Magyar government attempts to pass could fall foul of the top courts. “Because of the partiality of the Supreme Court or at least its president, and the constitutional court, this will be a very difficult battle for Tisza,” said Adrienn Laczó, a former judge who resigned in November 2024 in protest over the lack of judicial independence.
Additionally, Orbán’s lawmakers in December strengthened the veto power of President Sulyok, who was appointed in 2024 for a five-year term.
“Orbán has been worst-scenario planning in case he’s defeated,” said Kim Lane Scheppele, a constitutional law and elections professor at Princeton University. She highlighted that the amendment to the constitution passed in December would “make it almost impossible for a new parliament to impeach or remove the president.”
The president, meanwhile, can obstruct legislation by sending it back to parliament or by referring it to the constitutional court, which can deem it unconstitutional, potentially blowing up any reform efforts by Tisza.
Scheppele drew a comparison with the problems that Prime Minister Donald Tusk is facing in Poland with his efforts to advance reforms in the face of the veto power of the president, Karol Nawrocki, who aligns with the nationalist conservative Law and Justice party.