“Ukraine is the victim in this war**,”** Péter Magyar said at his first press conference after winning the Hungarian elections on Sunday, in an overt emphasis of his position on Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
**“**Based on the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, Ukraine has every right, and in my opinion, a government also has the duty, to preserve its territorial integrity and sovereignty,” Magyar told the gathered press on Monday.
Magyar yet added that, while striving for “friendly relations” with all of Hungary’s neighbours, his stance on Ukraine will not be a U-turn from his predecessor’s.
For Kyiv, Budapest’s willingness to talk is already a major shift from outgoing Premier Viktor Orbán’s policy of total vetoes.
The morning after the election on Sunday, Kyiv lifted its advisory to Ukrainian citizens to refrain from travelling to Hungary, the foreign ministry announced on Monday.
Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said the election campaign in Hungary was “was full of anti-Ukrainian rhetoric,” but was now “behind us”.
“Accordingly, the heightened risk of provocation that led to these restrictions has also subsided,” Sybiha added.
Hungary’s relations with Ukraine have been at their lowest over the recent weeks.
In early March, Kyiv warned Ukrainian citizens that it was not safe to travel to the neighbouring country after Budapest law enforcement detained seven Ukrainian cash-in-transit guards.
Kyiv and Budapest have had little contact recently, especially since Orbán vetoed the EU’s €90bn loan for Ukraine, a new package of sanctions against Russia and Ukraine’s EU accession.
What can Kyiv expect from Orbán’s elected successor?
What is Magyar’s stance on Ukraine?
In an interview with AP in early March, Magyar said Orbán’s numerous vetoes — with most of them concerning Ukraine — had often been to please his eurosceptic base at home.
“Vetoing just to veto so he can say at home that he is vetoing,” Magyar said.
But he also indicated that he would not be there to please Brussels either.
“The task of a Hungarian prime minister at any given time is to represent Hungarian interests, and if necessary, to represent them forcefully,” Magyar said. “Whatever it costs.”
Magyar has been careful in voicing his stance on Ukraine.
On the one hand, he has promised constructive relations, while at the same time criticising Zelenskyy’s jabs directed at Orbán and Kyiv’s ambitions for fast-track EU accession.
Magyar firmly opposes fast-tracking Ukraine’s EU membership and said earlier that it would put it to a binding referendum.
But unlike Orbán, Magyar has not said he opposes Ukraine’s accession altogether.
Congratulating him on the election victory, Zelenskyy said “it is important when constructive approach prevails.”
“Ukraine has always sought good-neighbourly relations with everyone in Europe and we are ready to advance our cooperation with Hungary.”
Ukraine’s president said Kyiv is ready for a diplomatic reset with Budapest.
“We are ready for meetings and joint constructive work for the benefit of both nations, as well as peace, security, and stability in Europe.”
And for Kyiv, a dialogue with Budapest is already much better than the countries’ relations have been until now.
Tisza has ruled out sending Hungarian arms or soldiers to Ukraine, but the fact that Magyar openly identified Russia as the aggressor, in contrast to Orban’s Kremlin-friendly rhetoric, speaks volumes for Kyiv.
Magyar visited Kyiv in July 2024, just days after Moscow launched missiles at Ukraine’s largest children’s hospital Okhmatdyt, renowned for its cancer treatment.
He delivered humanitarian aid and around €40,000, raised by his Tisza party.
Visiting Ukraine, Magyar also paid respects to fallen Ukrainian soldiers on Mykhailivska Square.
At the same time, what matters for Ukraine is not only Magyar’s stance toward Kyiv but also his stance toward Moscow, and this is where Magyar has been less diplomatic.
‘Ruszkik haza’
As the first election results were released, the Hungarians took to the streets chanting “Ruszkik, haza!” which means “Russians, go home!” in Hungarian — an old slogan from Hungary’s times as a Soviet satellite state widely used by the voters over the past few weeks.
While Orbán accused Tisza of colluding with Ukraine, Magyar called out Russia for helping to prop up the Fidesz campaign.
But while condemning Orbán’s drift toward Moscow, as well as reports that Russian secret services were meddling in the election to tip it in Orbán’s favour, he said his future government will pursue a “pragmatic” approach toward Russia.
Magyar said on Monday that he would talk to Russian President Vladimir Putin but not initiate a call.
“If Vladimir Putin calls, I’ll pick up the phone,” he said Monday at his first press conference after his landslide win against Putin-ally Viktor Orbán.
“If we did talk, I could tell him that it would be nice to end the killing after four years and end the war.”
Moscow did not comment on the election results until the day after. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said Moscow has heard “statements expressing a willingness to engage in dialogue, this would be beneficial for both Moscow and Budapest.”
“We are keen to build good relations with Hungary, as we are with all European countries. Mutuality is out of the question, but Russia is open to dialogue,” Peskov said.
On Tuesday Magyar thanked Moscow and Beijing for “accepting the results of the elections” and for “being open for cooperation with Hungary as a free and independent country.”
But dialogue with Hungary does not necessarily mean cooperation with Magyar, Moscow indicated.
According to Kremlin-controlled media, Peskov said the Kremlin would not congratulate Magyar on his victory in the Hungarian parliamentary elections.
“We do not send congratulations to unfriendly countries. And Hungary is an unfriendly country; it supports sanctions against us,” Peskov reportedly said.
When asked about whether this meant that Moscow was on friendly terms exclusively with Orbán, Peskov replied: “We were engaged in dialogue with him.”
One thing Magyar was firm about, as far as cooperation with Moscow is concerned, is Hungary’s dependence on Russia’s cheap energy.
Magyar has criticised Orbán’s government for failing to diversify its energy sources and advocated for reaching new agreements and constructing new infrastructure to bring oil and gas into landlocked Hungary.
In its program, Tisza named energy diversification as one of its top priorities, aiming to eliminate dependence on Russian energy by 2035.
The party also pledged to launch a full review of Hungary’s nuclear power plant project, which is led by Russia’s Rosatom.