This symbiotic relationship is, of course, how Westminster has worked for decades. The Conservative government had its own mostly separate battalion of “friendly” think tanks that helped draft policies and strategy.
Plenty also doubt think tanks will actually end up driving more policy. “There’s ‘we need your help,’ and there’s ‘sure! We’re always glad to have your help!’” said one Labour member of parliament, rolling their eyes. “Those are two different things.”
All the same, Labour has every reason to ask. Almost a year into a five-year term, the government is fighting slow economic growth, a slump in opinion polls and the rise of the Nigel Farage’s populist, right-wing Reform UK. Prime Minister Keir Starmer has five broad “missions” and tighter “milestones” designed to prove long-term delivery to voters, yet some MPs say their arguments are simply not cutting through with the electorate.
POLITICO took a snapshot of the state of think tank-government relations, 10 months into Labour’s term. This article is based on conversations with more than two dozen think tank officials, government aides, ministers and other Labour figures, all granted anonymity to speak frankly.
Big cheeses
The think tanks who do the most talking to Labour can be split into three broad groups — a trio of big so-called friendlies, the young upstarts, and another circle of established groups less directly aligned to Labour’s aims.
The trio that is both established and enjoys the closest access to government is arguably the Institute for Public Policy Research, an independent charity focused on a “fairer, greener” society with long links to the center left; the Tony Blair Institute, the sprawling global nonprofit founded by the Labour former prime minister; and Labour Together, the Starmerite vehicle for an election victory that was built by now-No. 10 Chief of Staff Morgan McSweeney.